There are 10 to 15 million Syrian-Lebanese people in Latin America. There is a community of about 5-10 million living in Brazil, 3,5 million in Argentina and half a million in Venezuela. They are mostly Christians who fled the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 19th century. They forgot their language and assimilated to the Latin American culture or so it seems.


A revival of Syria-Lebanese identity

Before it was not rarely seen that these families use Arab words in their family dialect of Portuguese and Spanish. Also people should not forget that in those families grand mothers dish is mostly a Syrian-Lebanese dish. Now we see in São Paulo Arab cultural happenings with typical food and dance. Also more and more decedents are learning Arabic. With the Syrian crisis there is manifestation of their cultural and political identity, rarely seen in the Syria-Lebanese Diaspora, more commonly seen in the Palestinian Diaspora. The strange thing is that the revival started earlier than the Syrian crisis.

Raise of the left and the strategic alliance with the Middle East

Around the start of the new millennium a new leftist caudillo rose up, Hugo Chavez, for his socialism of the 21st century, he believed they needed a multipolar world, consisting of different dominant regional powers. In the first decade of the 21th century left-wing governments popped up in Latin Amerika. The anti-imperialistic logic and the terrorist attacks of 9/11 made the Middle East the focal point of the imperialistic and anti-imperialistic powers in the world. Chavez needed strategic alliances with the Middle East, he introduced a direct flight between Teheran and Caracas (Capital of Venezuela) and supported the regime of Al-Assad with oil shipments starting in 2010. Also current leftist President Maduro of Venezuela let a lawmaker form his party leave to Syria to fight with the regime, Maduro called it a dignified stance.When the war in Gaza broke out in 2014, Maduro said it would admit Palestinian children to Venezuela to give them medical care. He proclaimed that Israel was committing genocide in Palestina, while he is supporting genocide in Syria. In Uruguay the president Mujica said he would accept Syrian Refugees.

The awaking

Latin America's left and the Middle East forged a new anti-imperialistic axis or South-South relations in the first 10 years of the 20th century. The main countries involved are Brazil, Venezuela, Syria and Iran. In June 2010 Bashar Al-Assad did a Tour in Venezuela, Cuba, Brazil and Argentina, this was a first visit of a head of state of the Middle East to Latin America. His goal was to reactivate the relation with the diaspora in Latin America. Also to distribute anti-imperialistic publications to introduce people to geopolitics of the Middle East. Al-Assad and his wife seduced the public opinion and an energy treaty with signed between Venezuela and Syria, which would become crucial in the current crisis. Bashar Al-assad also took time to talk to the main leaders of the Syrian-Lebanese community to bring them closer to their roots. Just after the re-election of Chavez in 2012, he proclaimed that the opposition in Syria were terrorists, although this seemed more symbolical. The Syrian revolutions and the war that followed simultaneously could not leave the Syrian-Lebanese community untouched. Most of the communities and especially left wing of Syria-Lebanese community support the regime of Al-Assad. Only a small minority supports the revolution.

The positions and mobilization of the communities in Venezuela, Brazil and Argentina. 

In Venezuela they still remember the 2002 coup d'état which was shown to the world in the documentary, the revolution won't be televised. For Venezuela of Chavez, later after his death, of Nicolas Maduro they supported the Syrian Regime, because they saw the revolution like in their country in 2002 as a coup d'état. They kept close contact with the Syrian embassy in Caracas and published the reports of the embassy in the press. For the Regime in Venezuela the “coup d'état” Syria was the work of Imperialistic forces and Al-Assad was doing a heroic battle against the reactionaries. On the other side Bashar Al-assad showed his solidarity with the violent crackdown on the protests in Venezuela earlier this year. Just a few days ago the university of Damascus honored Chavez for his bringing about a multipolar world on the 23th of April 2014.

In Brazil the support is less ideological, but for example the Free Syrian Army (FSA) is considered as a terrorist group. The support from the regime comes mostly, because of fear of the Jihadist fighting along the FSA against the regime. They believe that this will lead to a new wave of immigration from Syria like at the end of the 19th century. Their community is mostly Christian and the community is afraid of the new position the minorities would have in a new Syria.

In Argentina the support of the Syria-Lebanese community is mostly for the regime in Syria. They call the FSA, rats or Contra's like the army in Nicaragua that fought the Sandinistas. The supporters organized in 2012 a global march for Syria in Buenos Aires. The strange thing was that in Argentina, more than in Brazil and Venezuela the movement was geopolitical and strategic. They were protesting against the isolation of Iran and the destruction of the Shia axis. This is because there is an old and well organized community of Alawies in Argentina, and one of the founders of the Baath-party resided in Argentina.


The diplomacy

In November 2012 the special envoy of Al-Assad, Bouthaina Chaaban, was in Latin-America for treatment, but apparently this was a fake excuse to have a dialogue with the most important members of the Syria-Lebanese expats, like Al-Assad calls the diaspora. He met the Syrian-Lebanese vice-president of Brazil, Michel Temer, in a meeting organized by the Syria-Lebanese community in São Paulo. In Venezuela he tried to negotiate a new delivery of fuel and last but not least an escape plan for the Assad family and her entourage. Bashar Al-assad hold elections on the 3th of June of 2014, he send invitations to friendly countries, also the Latin American countries are included. The heads state and deputies of Brazil, Venezuela, Cuba, Ecuador, Bolivia and Nicaragua are invited to follow the poll. 

During Putin's tour in Latin America in July, he proclaimed that he wants that Latin America becomes their major ally according to his anti-imperialistic logic. The plan is to make Russia and the Latin-America more interconnected on the economical level. Russia is with the boycot of the Western world searching to import meat, fish, fruit and vegetables and diary products. These are opportunities for these communities, but what will this lead to in the future... 

Venezuela is buying weapons from China and Russia. China is an older player on the continent. The Latin-americans Caudillo's believe in a multipolar world, all they will get is a new imperialist power like China or/and Russia. The Latin American people are used to this, when the Chinese came they said it was a Chinese tale, or a lie, now it will a Russian tale.      

Conclusion

Syrian regime is actively searching for military, energetic, public support in Latin America and the left in Latin America forged the public opinion in a way that it seems normal to support the regime from an anti-imperialistic viewpoint. The Latin American leaders are preparing a new home for the Syrian regime as the revolutionaries would be the mayor player in the construction of a post-conflict Syria. One thing is sure, the Syrian conflict is a mayor divider of the international communities. This won't bring peace to the innocent Syrian civilians who hardly survive the conflict in their country. This is the biggest mistake of the Latin American left, that they didn't support the people, but the heads of state. For this, the history will NOT absolve them. 

If you want to know there is not a single leftist brigade fighting in Syria and why the masses in the Arab world do not look to the left but to the right, to Islamists, for guidance, inspiration, and political leadership, start with the betrayal of internationalism and socialism by the governments of Venezuela and Cuba.

The Syrian regime has always delivered cosmetic services to the status of women. At the moment within the Syrian opposition movement, women get few important positions. Women civil activists witness that the same is happening in the political context. But women do not want this situation to continue, and are readyto stand up for their rights more openly.

Women are the front-runners of the revolution

According to Hiba Alhaji (Om Ezzideen), who established the first center for women in the province of Idlib, 40 years of exclusion of women has been enough for women to undertake the revolution: ‘Women had their place in the regime, but they were always members of the Al-Assad families sect, the Alawies. There were women in the parliament, but they had always a bad reputation. Women who had connections with the Muslim Brotherhood were band from governmental jobs and the labour market.’

We cannott forget that on 12 March 2011, when the opposition was still shouting for reforms, it was the daughter of the Druze Sultan Alatrash, who for the first time openly called for the regime to step down. But it became soon clear that the dream of ending the patriarchal regime would be difficult, as this was in contradiction with the sometimes traditional and conservative values of one part of the movement. The opinions were actually divided when women activists debated the need to wear traditional clothes or not; some said it is part of the patriarchal regime, others said it is a free choice. Although many women civil activists believed that their rights would go hand in hand with the claims for democracy and freedom, this has not been the case until now.

Some testimonies

According to female civil activist Yara Nuseir the political opposition wants to project an image of plurality, they want a woman in their ranks, and more precisely a woman from a religious minority: ‘They never had the aim to end the struggle for inequality and guarantee true equal rights for women. Feminism is not a value that is propagated by the political opposition in Syria. Zaina Erhaim, a journalist who brings stories out about women activists, tells her story: ’It was two days before Geneva 2, I was called by the official delegation of the political opposition, the Syrian National Coalition. They needed a woman and someone who speaks English to attend the delegation to Geneva. I decided not to do join, as this political movement clearly wants my presence only for the picture, to fill the quota for women without giving women a voice or real place at the negation table. ‘

When certain segments of the revolutionary movements took up there weapons, women got an important role in the field of humanitarian aid, conflict resolution and psychological aid and support for children. There were even women rebels like Jivara from Aleppo, one of the best snipers of the Free Syrian Army. This said, there is actually a very big difference in the way the different rebel groups treat women.

For most of the Islamists it is Haraam, which literally means ‘forbidden’ in Arabic, for women to work except for jobs like nursing and teaching. Based on this approach/interpretation, Alhaji, a women in Raqqah, the progressive town that is now under control of ISIS, was beaten merely on the fact of chatting on facebook: The rebels of ISIS also threatened to kill women if they do not wear a headscarf. This began in November 2013 when ISIS took control of the city of Raqqah. Erhaim told me that the months before the taking control of Raqqah, she walked freely through the city. She saw girls full of makeup and without a headscarf walking before the headquarters of ISIS in Raqqah. According to Alhaji women are better treated in the ranks of the Free Syrian Army: ‘because they see us as sisters.’ Erhaim is one of the journalists and activists who came to the liberated areas in the North of Syria to escape the terror of the regime. She tells me that in the Northern cities it is more difficult to walk without a headscarf, because these are poor and conservative regions. She even told me that she is afraid to buy food and vegetables without the company of a man.

Razan Ghazzawi asks herself how many women there are in the Syrian National Coalition and the local councils. ‘We get symbolic recognition, but we don’t get an active role in the political opposition.’ Until now the most important role model for women in the Syrian National Coalition is Suheir Atassi, who  is a civil activist of the first hour, she is vice president. Khawla  Dunia says the Syrian National Coalition is just a mirror of the regime; the decision-making is in the hands of men too.

According to Erhaim the life of Syrian women is 3 times harder than of men: ‘This is because of the traditions in the conservative areas, the military repression, the shadowing and the social pressure. Women have to stand up against this and then convince people to be taken seriously.’ The Syrian activist who got most acknowledged is Razan Zaitouneh. Before the revolution she was a lawyer who defended the rights of political prisoners. During the revolution she mapped human rights violations and supported local councils. She is a symbol for female resistance. In Europe she is know because in 2011 she won the European Parliament’s Sakharov prize for freedom of thinking as one of the activists of the Arab Spring. She was not able come to Brussels as she is hiding from the regime. In December 2013 she kidnapped by an unknown rebel group and still considered captured.

Women are the game changer

According to Dunia, the situation of Syrian women is also worse than men’s situation: ‘There is an imbalance between our sacrifices and what we achieved’. Yara Nusair thinks that women are crucial to give energy and support to their communities en that women have to convince men of feminist values’ According to Hiba Alhaji one can not deny the fact that women are leaders and front-runners of the revolution. Erhaim adds that the revolution has made women conscience about their oppression by the current regime.

Khawla Dunia compares women with spices for men in the political movement: ‘ They use us like spices to give taste, but spices do not have an influence to change the main ingredients. I do not’t want to participate in any form of cooking as long as I am not an active participant.’ 

The Syrian regime has always delivered cosmetic services to the status of women. At the moment within the Syrian opposition movement, women get few important positions. Women civil activists witness that the same is happening in the political context. But women do not want this situation to continue, and are readyto stand up for their rights more openly.

Women are the front-runners of the revolution

According to Hiba Alhaji (Om Ezzideen), who established the first center for women in the province of Idlib, 40 years of exclusion of women has been enough for women to undertake the revolution: ‘Women had their place in the regime, but they were always members of the Al-Assad families sect, the Alawies. There were women in the parliament, but they had always a bad reputation. Women who had connections with the Muslim Brotherhood were band from governmental jobs and the labour market.’

We cannott forget that on 12 March 2011, when the opposition was still shouting for reforms, it was the daughter of the Druze Sultan Alatrash, who for the first time openly called for the regime to step down. But it became soon clear that the dream of ending the patriarchal regime would be difficult, as this was in contradiction with the sometimes traditional and conservative values of one part of the movement. The opinions were actually divided when women activists debated the need to wear traditional clothes or not; some said it is part of the patriarchal regime, others said it is a free choice. Although many women civil activists believed that their rights would go hand in hand with the claims for democracy and freedom, this has not been the case until now.

Some testimonies

According to female civil activist Yara Nuseir the political opposition wants to project an image of plurality, they want a woman in their ranks, and more precisely a woman from a religious minority: ‘They never had the aim to end the struggle for inequality and guarantee true equal rights for women. Feminism is not a value that is propagated by the political opposition in Syria. Zaina Erhaim, a journalist who brings stories out about women activists, tells her story: ’It was two days before Geneva 2, I was called by the official delegation of the political opposition, the Syrian National Coalition. They needed a woman and someone who speaks English to attend the delegation to Geneva. I decided not to do join, as this political movement clearly wants my presence only for the picture, to fill the quota for women without giving women a voice or real place at the negation table. ‘

When certain segments of the revolutionary movements took up there weapons, women got an important role in the field of humanitarian aid, conflict resolution and psychological aid and support for children. There were even women rebels like Jivara from Aleppo, one of the best snipers of the Free Syrian Army. This said, there is actually a very big difference in the way the different rebel groups treat women.

For most of the Islamists it is Haraam, which literally means ‘forbidden’ in Arabic, for women to work except for jobs like nursing and teaching. Based on this approach/interpretation, Alhaji, a women in Raqqah, the progressive town that is now under control of ISIS, was beaten merely on the fact of chatting on facebook: The rebels of ISIS also threatened to kill women if they do not wear a headscarf. This began in November 2013 when ISIS took control of the city of Raqqah. Erhaim told me that the months before the taking control of Raqqah, she walked freely through the city. She saw girls full of makeup and without a headscarf walking before the headquarters of ISIS in Raqqah. According to Alhaji women are better treated in the ranks of the Free Syrian Army: ‘because they see us as sisters.’ Erhaim is one of the journalists and activists who came to the liberated areas in the North of Syria to escape the terror of the regime. She tells me that in the Northern cities it is more difficult to walk without a headscarf, because these are poor and conservative regions. She even told me that she is afraid to buy food and vegetables without the company of a man.

Razan Ghazzawi asks herself how many women there are in the Syrian National Coalition and the local councils. ‘We get symbolic recognition, but we don’t get an active role in the political opposition.’ Until now the most important role model for women in the Syrian National Coalition is Suheir Atassi, who  is a civil activist of the first hour, she is vice president. Khawla  Dunia says the Syrian National Coalition is just a mirror of the regime; the decision-making is in the hands of men too.

According to Erhaim the life of Syrian women is 3 times harder than of men: ‘This is because of the traditions in the conservative areas, the military repression, the shadowing and the social pressure. Women have to stand up against this and then convince people to be taken seriously.’ The Syrian activist who got most acknowledged is Razan Zaitouneh. Before the revolution she was a lawyer who defended the rights of political prisoners. During the revolution she mapped human rights violations and supported local councils. She is a symbol for female resistance. In Europe she is know because in 2011 she won the European Parliament’s Sakharov prize for freedom of thinking as one of the activists of the Arab Spring. She was not able come to Brussels as she is hiding from the regime. In December 2013 she kidnapped by an unknown rebel group and still considered captured.

Women are the game changer

According to Dunia, the situation of Syrian women is also worse than men’s situation: ‘There is an imbalance between our sacrifices and what we achieved’. Yara Nusair thinks that women are crucial to give energy and support to their communities en that women have to convince men of feminist values’ According to Hiba Alhaji one can not deny the fact that women are leaders and front-runners of the revolution. Erhaim adds that the revolution has made women conscience about their oppression by the current regime.

Khawla Dunia compares women with spices for men in the political movement: ‘ They use us like spices to give taste, but spices do not have an influence to change the main ingredients. I do not’t want to participate in any form of cooking as long as I am not an active participant.’